The Mafias of Bolivia | Las mafias de Bolivia

By Juan José Toro, Vision 360:

The first task of the new government should be to reverse that order and instruct that the law finally be enforced. If this state of affairs continues, we will know that the next rulers have struck a deal with the mafias.

Beyond the politicized management of justice, Bolivia has reached the point where it now finds itself—facing an economic crisis that will be difficult to overcome—due to a state of illegality caused by the existence of at least three mafias.

The Dictionary of the Royal Spanish Academy defines “mafia,” in a derogatory sense, as an “organized group that seeks to defend its interests without much scruple.” Thus, to qualify a group as such, it is not even necessary for actual crimes to be committed. Unfortunately, in our country’s case, these groups long ago exceeded the boundaries of legality.

The first mafia is that of drug trafficking, established in the Chapare since times no one bothered to record, and which has gained such power that it has comfortably positioned itself within national politics. It is unnecessary to go into detail about this group, which is widely known to the national public, but it is worth noting that in recent years it has spread to regions such as northern Potosí and has diversified its activities through the trade of “chuto” or undocumented cars.

The second is the land-seizing mafia, which emerged—or at least rose forcefully—during Evo Morales’s long government. Although its size is currently smaller compared to the other mafias, it should be noted that more than three hundred properties have already been illegally occupied by force, with the assurance that the State’s security forces will do nothing against them. It operates mainly in eastern Bolivia, with particular emphasis in Guarayos, Santa Cruz.

Finally, the third of Bolivia’s three major mafias is the cooperative one. It was born in mining regions such as Potosí and took advantage of periods of low mineral prices to push through regulations excessively favorable to its sector. They are private entities, yet they do not pay taxes like everyone else. They pay only 3 percent for mineral exploitation, when during Spanish colonial times the tax rate was 20 percent. Because of the benefits they receive, they have multiplied like mushrooms after rain, and their illegality lies in their failure to comply with environmental regulations. In Potosí they illegally exploit the summit of Cerro Rico, which they are causing to collapse, and in other regions gold miners have appeared—those who cause the greatest environmental damage through the use of mercury and other toxins.

These mafias, to which we may add others less visible such as human traffickers and money launderers, have prospered because, since the early years of the Evo regime, they have acted with total impunity: the high commands of the army and the police were warned not to act against them. The first task of the new government should be to reverse that order and instruct that the law finally be enforced. If this state of affairs continues, we will know that the next rulers have struck a deal with the mafias.

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