Three Notes on the Crisis | Tres apuntes sobre la crisis

By Gregorio Lanza, El Deber:

President Arce asserts that there is no structural economic crisis. He does this to conceal the downfall of the mixed community social model of which he imagines himself the creator. The entire structure of the model was based on gas revenues, 50% of which went directly to the Central Bank, according to Hydrocarbons Law 3058. Thus, the country obtained historic revenues of $38.343 billion from gas rent during the 2006-2019 period. The consequence is simple: when the gas runs out and/or its price drops, there is a structural crisis. What sustains the economy is informal work and small farmers, and especially the productive agro-industry in the east. Gas is extracted and flows directly through pipelines abroad, as was done by liberal governments. In contrast, agro-industry is a complex process where thousands of workers, farmers, and entrepreneurs coordinate efforts to generate wealth. Structural crisis does not mean the country is finished. Rather, it has been resilient thanks to agro-industry. MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo) could not destroy the economy as Maduro did in Venezuela.

Resolving the structural crisis is a matter of time. The government has stalled by trying to repeat its formulas when conditions have radically changed. Today, there is no gas, and Arce does not have the hegemony and control that the authoritarian Morales had. In the short term, the gas extraction model could extend its life with the extraordinary discovery of new gas reserves that renew foreign currency income, but this is unlikely. On the other hand, even with the significant volumes of gold extracted in northern La Paz, amounting to $3 billion, the dollar problem cannot be resolved because there is no regulation requiring the delivery of these foreign currencies nor the possibility of controlling the flow of this money. Additionally, the political and mobilization strength of the mining cooperative movement is stronger than the government’s weak muscle.

Turning to the IMF and special drawing rights for more than $300 million is a temporary fix, but it gives the government some breathing room. However, obsessed with the fight with Evo, who would present this move as proof of a pro-imperialist orientation, Arce is reluctant to take this step. Another seemingly inevitable option is to fulfill agreements with entrepreneurs to remove any trace of export barriers and to acknowledge the devaluation of the dollar, which is at least at 8.3 bolivianos, lifting the restrictions or the so-called Bolivian corralito on accounts in that currency.

Finally, a third aspect is political. Arce needs flexibility to reach agreements with the opposition, seeking to isolate the evismo, which is the central vector of conflict. He also needs to reach out to the middle class; otherwise, the overflow of the crisis will end his electoral fever.

President Arce is in his own trap, believing that he is the creator of the model and that it works in any circumstance; not understanding the context is leading him to the precipice.

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