The intellectual left and its Mea Culpa | La izquierda intelectual y su Mea Culpa

By Alfonso Gumucio Dagron, Brujula Digital:

Blues and Light Blues

Two decades ago, an overwhelming majority of my generation with a history in the so-called “left” of that time was dazzled by Evo Morales and idolized him. I never fell for it. Before he assumed his first government in 2006, I published articles in which I was critical of that nefarious figure because I found his human quality questionable, which has been widely demonstrated over time.

Today, those who believed in the “camel” (as they say in Colombia) of the “process of change” prefer to forget their enthusiastic adherence to the leader from Chapare. My criticisms of the character’s imposture and the falsity of the discourse carried (until now) by his collaborators or followers in the two factions of MAS (the same girl with the same skirt) have cost me the distancing of some friendships. Perhaps they don’t like that I look them in the eyes to remind them that they bet on a project tainted from its origin, drowned in stupidity and cheap demagoguery.

From the first year, the corruption promoted by the government couldn’t be hidden, but my MAS-supporting friends wanted to convince me that Evo Morales was surrounded by “a few” corrupt people, but that he was pure, almost virgin. I once had a friendly exchange with my dear Ana María Campero, who tried to defend the Chapare leader with a certain paternalism (or maternalism): “You have to give him time to learn.” We now know he learned a lot: to be craftier, to outmaneuver the State, and to manipulate all powers for his personal benefit and that of those who supported him with a bit of naivety and a lot of opportunism. I am convinced that Ana María, with the honesty that characterized her, wouldn’t have maintained her willing allegiance to the coca-growing president for long.

Most of my former colleagues from the former progressive left fell for MAS’s promises, although they very quickly saw how that deformed political movement devoured the historic labor organizations (the COB, the FSTMB, the CSUTCB) in favor of private cooperative miners and other spurious organizations. Perhaps they wanted to blindly believe instead of examining their conscience and looking with wide-open eyes at the process of social, economic, and political destruction being carried out. In any case, it was never an ideological issue: they quickly forgot the ideology to eagerly embrace their unfulfilled desires.

After two decades and a tortuous path, the intense blue color of MAS has been losing its intensity, just as Bolivia has been swallowed by a spiral of irreversible arbitrariness. It’s not a vicious circle that a brave proton could break; it’s a spiral that devours the little honor and dignity left in the country.

In the scale from blue to light blue, I can distinguish several groups of enthusiasts and (former) MAS supporters:

  1. On one hand, there are colleagues who had a recognized left-wing trajectory (political struggle, repression, and exile under military dictatorships), who sincerely believed in the offered discourse, but in the first three years (before the Constituent Assembly), they realized they couldn’t continue supporting the rampant corruption and political deceit. I think, for example, of Filemón Escobar, who presented Morales with evidence of the prevailing corruption in the government, and Morales, without a word, threw the papers into the trash and then managed to harass the former mining leader, to whom he owed all his political training because Evo Morales was nothing more than a mediocre band trumpeter and coca-growing sports leader before becoming the deified leader of a new political group with an acronym bought from the Falange Socialista Boliviana.
  2. There is another group of friends who took a bit longer to distance themselves from the prebendal project marked by the co-optation of social organizations. They accompanied the Constituent Assembly in 2009, wearing MAS colors until they realized that the new CPE was a blank check (tailored to Evo and approved in a military barracks) for authoritarianism to indefinitely take power. They came out politically stripped, but they came out. In this group are former state officials, former members of the Constituent Assembly, and emblematic journalists who honestly acknowledge that they were wrong and now publicly and courageously confront MAS.
  3. Opportunism and the perks of power made other dark blues and light blues cling to the MAS “project” despite the growing corruption, the arbitrary handling of the bonanza (2005-2015), the squandering of $70 billion in gas and mineral export revenues, and the disappearance of $15 billion in international reserves. Some of these chose a lower profile but continued to profit from the State. Instead of holding ministerial positions, which are too visible, they entrenched themselves like ghosts in the boards of state institutions (like ENTEL, for example) or in less visible diplomatic posts. They no longer engaged in the discourse of imposture, but they still quietly received their checks every month. Sometimes I cross paths with some of them on the street, and they avoid eye contact, ashamed of having supported a political process soaked in corruption and imposture. Now they’re quiet and wish the articles or statements where they fervently supported Evo Morales would disappear.
  4. Three successive waves of repentant MAS supporters silently distanced themselves (but too late) when Evo Morales’s political project began to crumble after the NO vote in the 21F referendum in 2016, the massive and majority null vote in the 2017 judicial elections, and finally the 2019 electoral fraud. Like in war, these “leftists” shot themselves in the foot to retreat with the ambushed. However, they didn’t publicly express their disagreement; they just slyly slipped away, and some reappeared with Arce’s government, betting on the winning horse and becoming complicit in widespread corruption at all levels of the State and private companies that obtain contracts through bribes.

The defections in this group are notable. A notable case is Héctor Arce Zaconeta, now clinging to Arce as ambassador to the OAS because that guarantees him impunity for his acts of corruption. Many others have switched sides and continue to profit from the State, quietly, like Hugo Moldiz (circulating around the Foreign Ministry), Amanda Dávila, “Satuco” Torrico, Nardi Suxo, Diego Pary, several mercenary journalists (allies of Neurona Consulting), and artists functional to power (like the Kjarkas or “Etiqueta azul” from Kala Marka, and more), and a long parade of opportunists lurking in state companies that they help bankrupt, of course, without failing to collect their salaries (and bribes). They have never lacked income during MAS’s time. Very fresh, they say “I’m no longer with MAS” or “I never was” after having milked contracts with state institutions, anonymously writing editorials for La Razón or Ahora el Pueblo, drafting laws tailored to MAS, or embedding themselves in international organizations, foundations, and NGOs close to power.

  1. Finally, there is the group of diehards, those who remain loyal to Evo Morales, capable of tying up bundles and betting everything on the Chapare leader, with blockades, attacks, and other actions that serve to create an atmosphere of instability (Juan “Camión” Quintana, Carlos Romero, Wilma “Molotov” Alanoca Mamani, Adriana “Tractor” Salvatierra, Miss Gravetal, etc.). I don’t know whether to admire them for openly supporting the losing horse or to curse them for stubbornly supporting a proposal clearly linked to drug trafficking, land grabs, and the 2019 electoral fraud.

Thus, MAS’s blues come in various shades, from deep blue to subtly light blue. The blues are clearly distinguished by the public and aggressive manner in which they cling to the government, and the light blues are more discreet; they have benefited from MAS for almost two decades but hide skillfully, lurking in the shadow of power. The art of mimicry characterizes the light blues. Some were darker in their time, but their color faded over time, though not their eagerness for the benefits of profiting from power.

The light blues swallow big toads but remain silent. They’re not fools; they know about the corruption and know that the justice system is acting as a repressive arm of Arce’s regime. Some were even environmentally conscious and know what millions of hectares of forests burned by decree, the poisoning of rivers with mercury from illegal cooperative or Chinese mining, the trafficking of exotic animal species, etc., mean. But they say nothing, they stay quiet, and thus they are complicit. In a perverse way, their resilience is admirable. I imagine their liver green and bilious, but perhaps I’m wrong. Perhaps it’s normal, pinkish, and smooth because the light blues are now insensitive to the destruction of Bolivia as long as they don’t lack contracts.

Brother wolf, how many are still profiting from the State, that is, from our taxes and from debt? Uuuuuuu…

(Hermano Lobo was a great Spanish satirical magazine that mocked censorship under Franco’s dictatorship, I strongly recommend checking it out on the internet).

How many faded “light blues” do you know? And in which group do you recognize yourself, reader?

@AlfonsoGumucio is a writer and filmmaker

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