Evo Morales and the unfinished task of national construction | Evo Morales y la tarea inconclusa de construcción nacional

Pedro Portugal, Brujula Digital:

Evo Morales lashes out against everyone. Now against his closest subordinates. In statements to Radio Kawsachun Coca, he evicts his former vice president, Álvaro García Linera: He is a traitor and a swindler because he allegedly never obtained the bachelor’s degree he exhibited in the early years of the MAS government. Gone are the times when he defended his vice president tooth and nail. “They want to make us fight,” he said years ago when some evoked the past, under the leadership of Felipe Quispe, of his astute, disloyal, and cunning vice.

Moments of crisis are those that reveal the nature of those who, having been friends, later become enemies. They unveil the true nature of the actors… and the naivety of the public that accepts the mask they use as if it were their true face.

Both Morales and García Linera were compadres in the farce that took advantage of a historical moment conducive to resolving the historic burden of colonial relations in Bolivia. The script of that farce was the postmodern culturalist ideology assumed by hegemonic intellectuals and politicians, those anchored in the middle-class Creole world who proclaim: The “Indian problem” is not social, economic, political, but a simple recognition of identities. A problem that is resolved with the formulation of increasingly bizarre and exotic policies.

That script needs to be made visible in the symbolism of power. Sánchez de Lozada initiated that trickery. His multiculturalist policies: popular participation, community territories of origin, and others were later implemented by the MAS, magically purging them by defining them as intercultural. These policies had to be embodied in the highest sphere of power (because below it was always insignificant and fictitious). Hence, Sánchez de Lozada needed an Aymara vice president, Víctor Hugo Cárdenas. However, when the script is bad, the performance will never be good. The products of Sánchez de Lozada’s reforms led to his expulsion from power in 2003.

In 2003, there was real and symbolic empowerment of the indigenous people. The peasants who paraded through the streets forced the city dwellers to hide their ties for fear of being publicly whipped. The Indian regained his self-esteem and saw himself as a factor of hegemony. Leading that movement was Mallku Felipe Quispe, Evo Morales was then incipient, neither he nor the MAS played leading roles when the people forced Sánchez de Lozada to resign. Only those who have power relinquish it: when Sánchez de Lozada fled, thousands of Indians and workers gathered in Plaza San Francisco, there Felipe Quispe handed over the Government to Carlos Mesa. Why didn’t Quispe reclaim power for himself and his people? Not because he was foolish or unaware of his strength. The drama of the Conquest was reproduced when the Incas assumed that the Spanish understood and used the same logic. There was no reciprocity from Mesa towards Quispe, but desperately, Mesa nourished and encouraged Evo Morales and the MAS. Mesa did something similar to what his parliamentarians are doing today when they believe they are manipulating Evo’s MAS against the Arce government, when in reality, they are giving vitamins to a hopeless person who, if revived, will first devour his short-term benefactor.

Carlos Mesa’s cunning was better crowned by the left. A mythology of the Indian was forged, embodied in Evo. Testimony? The numerous books and writings that his proselytes wrote, especially abroad. Now the king is naked. He had been nothing more than a mere mortal, although more cunning and shameless than others, but nothing to do with the personification of the “moral reserve of humanity.” The tasks of national construction return to square one.

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