The populist trap of smuggled cars | La trampa populista de los autos chutos

Editorial El Deber:

In election times, easy promises often become political currency. In the first round, one topic was recurrent among several candidates: the proposal to legalize the smuggled cars circulating on Bolivian roads. Though framed as economic relief for thousands of families, the measure hides serious risks that threaten the formal economy, legal certainty, international commitments, and the State’s sovereignty itself.

Estimates suggest that at least 500,000 smuggled cars circulate in Bolivia, with some figures reaching 750,000. The phenomenon is so massive that at least 70 informal fairs exist exclusively for their purchase and sale, many located in contraband strongholds where customs and the military cannot enter. This institutional vacuum has become fertile ground for criminal networks tied to car theft in neighboring countries, drug trafficking, and customs corruption.

Legalizing smuggled cars would, in practice, reward illegality. It would deal a direct blow to those who legally import vehicles, paying tariffs, taxes, and complying with technical and environmental standards. Every legalized smuggled car represents customs revenues the treasury never received—a multimillion-dollar loss at a time when public finances are already strained.

On the international stage, nationalizing undocumented vehicles would openly violate Bolivia’s commitments to the World Trade Organization, the Andean Community, and the World Customs Organization, all of which demand consistent policies against smuggling and piracy. How can a State demand respect for its exports while legitimizing contraband at home? Such an amnesty erodes credibility abroad and risks diplomatic tensions with Chile, Peru, and Brazil, from where thousands of stolen cars originate.

History should serve as a warning. In 2011, Evo Morales’s government approved an “extraordinary” legalization of smuggled cars, presented as a one-time measure. Instead, it became a magnet that encouraged even more smuggling. Over a decade later, the numbers are worse. Another legalization would only perpetuate the vicious cycle: first illegal entry, then social pressure, and finally a “political solution” through nationalization.

Politicians advocating for this policy are not ignorant of the risks; rather, they aim to capture votes from rural and border areas where smuggled cars dominate transportation. It is a short-term strategy that sacrifices national interest for electoral gain.

The country needs structural solutions, not electoral shortcuts. Bolivia requires stronger customs enforcement, greater state presence at the borders, and programs to renew the vehicle fleet with legal, efficient, and less-polluting cars. Anything less is surrendering to organized crime and condemning the nation to permanent informality.

The populist temptation of smuggled cars may deliver votes, but it is a pact with illegality. And a country that normalizes illegality is doomed to repeat its crisis again and again.

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