Elections or Coup d’État | Elecciones o golpe de Estado

By Carlos Toranzo Roca, Brujula Digital:

In 2003, Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada was forced to resign. The social mobilizations were not innocent; they wanted to oust him from power. El Mallku explicitly said they had rebelled and that government personnel were ambushed in Warisata to overthrow the government. The mobilizations in El Alto were not innocent either—their objective was clear: remove the president. The clumsiness of the repression played in favor of Evo Morales’ plan, of the MAS, and of the insurgents.

Was there any talk of a coup d’état? No. The narrative in 2003 and afterwards never mentioned a coup d’état. The narrative focused solely on the massacre of the social movements.

In 2019, there was electoral fraud orchestrated by Morales with the help of international leftist allies, involving IT manipulation by Mexican leftist groups and assistance from members of the Electoral Tribunal. That fraud was proven both in Bolivia and by the OAS. The reaction to the fraud came from women, from youth, even children. Everyone, in unison, took to the streets to defend their vote, to protect democracy overrun by a candidate who had violated the Constitution countless times.

The coward drew up his strategy: resign from the presidency and force the heads of the Senate and House of Deputies to do the same, creating a power vacuum. Morales and García Linera calculated that the people would call them back to retake power. No one did, and a constitutional succession took place. The coward fled in tears, shared with García Linera. Let it be clear: he resigned and fled like a coward, because that is what Morales is—a coward.

The Puebla Group, from López Obrador to Cristina Kirchner and other populist leaders, together with MAS, created the coup d’état narrative to cover up Morales’ resignation and his shameful escape. To this day, MAS loyalists hide behind the coup narrative, when we all know there was electoral fraud, Morales’ resignation, and his flight.

The current economic, social, political, and moral crisis has culprits: Evo Morales, Luis Arce, Andrónico Rodríguez, and all of MAS. Yes, every faction of MAS is responsible for the economic and political tragedy Bolivia is living through today.

They squandered nearly 80 billion dollars, destroyed YPFB, made no investment in exploration, left us without gas, consumed all international reserves, and stole left and right. Corruption became state policy; they corrupted all leadership within the social movements that co-governed with MAS.

What was once called the “moral reserve of society” turned into groups morally sunk by corruption. MAS created new economic elites based on corruption, contraband, illegal mining, environmental destruction, and ties to drug trafficking. The most extreme part is that Arce criticizes Morales for defending Chapare’s drug traffickers, and Morales criticizes Arce for protecting traffickers from other areas. Both are tainted by drug trafficking. Chapare is a state within a state, dominated by narcotrafficking.

Arce turned out to be useless at governing. He deepened the crisis Morales left behind. They call him “Tilín” for his incompetence, yet he turned out to be politically sinister—he destroyed his former boss, took away the MAS party registration, and brought the rape accusations to the surface. That’s why the pedophile wants to destroy Arce, and Arce wants to bury Morales.

But the two have something in common: they both want impunity in the future to shield themselves from all the theft and corruption they committed, as well as the human rights violations and extrajudicial executions they’re responsible for. Since the 21F referendum, Morales has been disqualified from running for president, but this power-addicted man, this psychopath, is trying to force his candidacy.

Yes, by force he seeks to run. He does so under the pretense of representing the poor, the indigenous social sectors, when in reality he represents the coca growers and drug traffickers of Chapare. Their money funds his mobilizations. Fear drives the people from the valley to march, afraid their coca fields and business will be taken from them. The coward, hiding in that area, commands others to do what his cowardice prevents him from doing himself.

Yes, Morales wants to destabilize Arce, he wants a coup d’état. He’s not moving people to defend them from the economic crisis or the food shortages. No, he’s doing it because he wants to be allowed to run again or directly seize power and rule as a de facto leader. That’s his plan. That’s how this power addict plans to reclaim the presidency and preserve his impunity.

Is Arce defending himself? We don’t know. In this game it’s not just the rapist, Arce, and Andrónico at play. No, Venezuelans, Cubans, the Puebla Group, and support from the Spanish left—with Zapatero at the helm—are also involved.

Arce also wants impunity. He might be trying to defend himself from Morales and his attempted coup, but doing so in such a sinister way that he too would go unpunished if he’s overthrown and portrayed as the victim of a coup. That would be a dignified exit from his failed government. Once again, the coup d’état narrative resurfaces—something MAS knows how to exploit well.

Morales and Arce both want impunity. That’s why neither of them wants elections. The pre-election data shows that the opposition could win the presidency, even if divided. That scares MAS. It frightens all its factions, including the insipid Andrónico.

Wishing for elections doesn’t mean defending Arce from Morales’ coup attempts. It simply means opening the path to restoring democracy, beginning a process of economic reconstruction, and, above all, avoiding impunity in the country.

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