Morales/Arce: dos caras de una misma moneda | two sides of the same coin

By Carlos Toranzo Roca, Brujula Digital:

In his 14 years in power, Evo Morales had a two-thirds majority in Parliament and benefited from the boom in commodity prices exported by the country, especially gas, whose reserves increased due to the economic policies of previous “neoliberal” governments. The executive branch took control of the legislative, judicial, and electoral branches. The judiciary became a tool for persecuting opponents; prosecutors replaced political police agents; the legislature unscrupulously approved all of Morales’ whims; the electoral body manipulated elections to ensure Morales’ victories and eliminate opposition.

During these years, the only institution that existed was the power of the leader; he facilitated the increase in coca production, turned Chapare into a state within a state, and looked the other way as drug trafficking infiltrated institutions, the police, and the government itself. By offering perks, he co-opted social movements, used the Indigenous Fund to corrupt social leaders, and showered them with benefits to prevent them from opposing him.

The former president left a trail of pedophilia, imprisoned his own partner, and may have made his own son disappear. In all these escapades, he had the complacent gaze and complicity of his Minister of Economy, Luis Arce; together they squandered the boom in commodity prices. They failed to invest in exploration in the hydrocarbon sector, leading to the current crisis; they invested corruptly and incompetently in lithium without achieving results. They normalized corruption, lack of ethics, and eroded the country’s moral values. Perhaps Morales’ greatest legacy was closing the doors to maritime negotiations with Chile by losing a poorly presented case in The Hague; he is to blame for the ratification of our landlocked status.

For the approval of the 2009 Constitution, Morales promised not to run in 2014, a commitment outlined in a transitional article of the Constitution. He broke his word and the Constitution, ran for office, and in 2016 promoted a referendum to run again in 2019, which he lost. Ignoring the referendum results, he used his Constitutional Court to recognize his “human right” to re-election; he ran that year and committed monumental fraud.

Social movements, particularly of young people and women, forced him to resign. He fled the country with extraordinary cowardice, as did Luis Arce. That year’s elections were annulled due to corruption; the narrative of a coup d’état is a monumental fallacy. During his 14 years, Morales enjoyed absolute power, with dozens of armored cars for protection, using public TV to broadcast his soccer games; he used the state helicopter for short trips and didn’t blush when his subordinates tied his shoes, even building a museum in his honor to display his soccer jerseys. Morales deeply misses the power he had and dreams of reclaiming it.

For the 2020 elections, Evo appointed Arce as the MAS candidate, believing he was the most loyal and manipulable, thinking he could control him and possibly push for early elections to run again. However, once Arce was inaugurated as president, he gradually distanced himself from Morales. Arce realized he controlled the wallet funds and used public resources to co-opt the social movements that are part of MAS: he bought them buildings, automobiles, paid the salaries of social leaders on commission, never judged the corrupt, and turned a blind eye to his son’s shady dealings.

Gradually, he co-opted MAS leaders who had been ministers or vice-ministers under Morales. He attacked drug trafficking in Chapare linked to Morales but was inefficient in tackling other drug trafficking groups. Arce continued using cynicism as state policy; if Morales said Bolivia would be like Switzerland, Arce claims we are the best economy in Latin America, ignoring that 85% of employment is informal and there is a banking crisis. He blames the lack of dollars on Parliament not approving some international loans and continued with the blunders in lithium policy. Arce clings to the outdated idea of import substitution industrialization. There are more “foundation stones” being laid than actual industries being created.

In May 2024, Arce manipulated social movements to hold the party congress, where a new MAS president was elected, leaving Morales out after more than two decades. In just three years of governance, Arce understood that power must be retained, used, and enjoyed, aiming to be a candidate in 2025; he goes to great lengths, even illegal ones, to block Morales. Arce and Morales are blinded by the quest for power, openly warring and accusing each other of corruption and protecting drug trafficking.

The MAS is irreparably divided, and the process of change is over, though the party won’t disappear nor the opposition strengthen significantly. Morales now suffers the abuses he authorized for 14 years; the instrumental use of justice, prosecutors, and the electoral body in favor of the government is shameful. Morales and Arce don’t fight for ideology or ideas but merely to hold and use power arbitrarily.

Morales and Arce are alike: permissive of corruption, cynical in proclaiming Bolivia’s well-being, disloyal, neglectful in addressing drug trafficking. They both normalize corruption, completely forgetting ethics in politics, and have discarded the fundamental values a society should uphold.

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