Fuel Crossroads | Encrucijada Energética

By El Deber:

Minister of Hydrocarbons: “The need to import LPG is almost here”

Ministro de Hidrocarburos: “Ya casi se acerca la necesidad  de importar GLP”

Minister of Hydrocarbons and Energy, Mauricio Medinaceli | Ricardo Montero

In an interview with EL DEBER, the Minister of Hydrocarbons and Energy, Mauricio Medinaceli, admits that the sector he leads is in critical condition, but shares President Paz’s optimism about reversing the situation.

Mauricio Medinaceli served as Minister of Hydrocarbons during Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé’s short government 20 years ago. He recalls that several administrations consistently worked to develop the country’s potential, and now he laments the crisis that the sector is sunk in. A clear sign of the problem is the situation of the state-owned oil company.

What is YPFB’s situation at this moment?
Well, in fact, I’ve been reviewing it for many years, the scarce information that YPFB used to publish, and what stood out is that YPFB—having once been an upstream company, focused on exploration and production—now shows numbers indicating it has become a marketing company, almost a trader, because all its activities are tied to fuel imports, and that was not the original purpose. YPFB was meant to devote itself—jointly, if you will—with the private sector to exploration and production, as Petrobras does in Brazil, or Ecopetrol in Colombia; they are partners there.

Regarding the supply of fuel, until when is the supply of gasoline and diesel for the public guaranteed?
Look, we are going to work to ensure supply from here onward, and I will tell you the plan. First, as I said, we have the issue of prices, and we have the short-term issue of supplying gasoline, diesel, LPG, and jet fuel to the domestic market. But next year, in the first half, the plan is to transfer the supply of gasoline and diesel to the private sector in a kind of geographic block system.

The system was created in 2000, and what is done is to tender these blocks transparently, internationally, so companies can be awarded these blocks and supply, for example, Santa Cruz and northern Potosí with one company. In other words, meat and bone, ensuring supply throughout the country, with a five-year license. This way, the private sector takes on the obligation to supply.

Now, what will Bolivia’s appeal be—its offer—to attract such investment?
Look, first, it’s five years. There will be a regulated market and also a non-regulated market. That is, companies wishing to import their own diesel can do so.

But in the regulated market, the appeal is that they have guaranteed sales volume, reasonable profit margins, and this obligation to supply the market will require these companies to take charge not only of imports or national production, but also of distribution to service stations. And what I like about this part of the plan is that we will require companies to ensure high-quality service stations.

Does this imply modifying the hydrocarbons law?
Yes, because the current hydrocarbons law has an article that gives YPFB a monopoly, if you will. The problem with YPFB is not the quality of its technicians—they are very good. The problem is that YPFB does not have the financial capacity at this moment to even issue a letter of credit.

So will we see Petrobras and Shell service stations again as we did years ago?
The energy business in Bolivia moves between 3 and 4 billion dollars. That is what energy—electricity, gas, gasoline—represents. So, while globally that is not much, for us, and for reasonably small or medium-sized international companies, it is a good business.

And what role will the state company play in this new scenario you’re outlining?
For now—and I want to be clear—YPFB will remain in the entire value chain. YPFB may also have a supply block, no problem. YPFB will still manage the country’s refineries. And in the upstream area—exploration and production—YPFB can still enter into partnership contracts with the private sector.

What will happen with fuel prices?
That is what everyone asks—it’s the million-dollar question. We have a plan, we’re working on it, and we will announce it in due course. But any price adjustment must be consistent with all the plans I’m telling you about.

Will subsidies be removed?
Well, it was part of our president’s campaign. The only thing we don’t want is to make the same mistake that happened in December 2010: the subsidy was lifted, prices were raised without a plan or a program, and the measure lasted five days. That shows us a plan is necessary. We have one, it is consistent, but we must work it carefully so this does not turn out like 2010 and so that it becomes sustainable.

What is the second part of the ministry’s plan?
After normalizing fuel supply, it is necessary to create a new regulatory framework. We want to propose four laws to the Assembly: a new hydrocarbons law, a new electricity law, a “green energy” law—let’s call it that—and a law on critical minerals, where lithium is an important component.

In terms of the hydrocarbons law, we will have a progressive tax system—that is, one adjusted to each reality. We cannot impose the same taxes in Tarija as in La Paz, because the geological risk of oil and gas fields differs.

Then we will have types of contracts that grant investors a reasonable rate of return. And there are several factors we will build to attract private investment. In the electricity law, similar measures will apply to generation.

And a tariff system that allows someone who generates electricity at home with solar panels to sell it back into the system. This already happens in some places but would be done more systematically.

We want to import not only gasoline and diesel, but also crude oil. Why?
Because YPFB’s refineries currently operate at 30% capacity—very little. So if we import crude, we can raise refining capacity to 70% or 80%. And the important thing is that importing crude is cheaper, and we obtain not only gasoline and diesel, but also other products: LPG, jet fuel, kerosene, oils, and more. So everything must be operated at full capacity—all the assets installed in the country in the energy sector.

Now, what about LPG and CNG—are these also subsidized?
Well, if we understand sustainability as the need to import, the need to import LPG is almost here. And as for natural gas, as we explained in the plan, in 2028–2029—whether we’re lucky or not—we will have to consider importing.

That’s why a comprehensive pricing plan is needed. One cannot raise prices without considering all these variables you mention. Because fuel prices cut across the economy—from the lady selling salteñas to the brick factory.

Let’s talk about ENDE. What role do you envision for this company within the legislative projects your ministry will present?
We want more competition in generation. We want private companies to enter power generation. We must keep ENDE, yes, as a central pillar, but also ensure ENDE allows private companies to enter, forming public-private partnerships.

In generation, we want more competition. Naturally, transmission and distribution are usually natural monopolies. The question we are considering is how to decide whether distribution companies will or will not be part of ENDE.

That is a discussion we must hold with each region. Within that, there is the president’s 50-50 option.

What would you like to say and convey to Bolivians from your ministry?
That we are working 14 to 15 hours a day to achieve not only supply stability but also the implementation of the plan I described, so that everything stabilizes, normalizes, and, once everything is set up as it was in 2006 or 2005, it can continue and not swing back again like a pendulum.

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